Tuesday, September 20, 2011

Kabul attack kills ex-Afghan president Burhanuddin Rabbani

Burhanuddin Rabbani, who headed team tasked with negotiating with Taliban, killed in suicide attack in his home.

Rabbani, a former president of Afghanistan, who served as president in the 1990s, was recently made the
head of the High Peace Council, tasked by Hamid Karzai, the current president, to reach out to the Taliban.
Mohammad Zaher, Kabul's criminal investigations chief, said two men "negotiating with Rabbani on behalf
of the Taliban" arrived at his house on Tuesday, one with explosives hidden in his turban.

"He approached Rabbani and detonated his explosives. Rabbani was martyred and four others including Masoom Stanekzai [his deputy] were injured".

Fazel Karim Aymaq, a member of the High Peace Council, said the men claimed to have come with special
messages from the Taliban and were thought to be "very trusted." When Rabbani appeared, the man shook the former president's hand and bowed in a sign of respect, Aymaq said. "Then his turban exploded.''

The blast broke windows in Rabbani's home and shook nearby houses. Initial reports said four bodyguards
had been killed but Zaher said this was incorrect. The latest in a series of targeted killings, Rabbani's is the most high-profile political killing since 2001.

He was president of the Afghan government that preceded the Taliban, a period of civil war that saw thousands of people killed. After he was driven away from Kabul by the Taliban in 1996, he became the nominal head of the Northern Alliance, which swept to power in the capital after the Taliban's fall in 2001.

Failure President Karzai, who cut short a trip to the United Nations in New York after hearing of the attack, called on Afghans to remain unified in the face of Rabbani's martyrdom. An emergency cabinet meeting was
called for on Wednesday. The UN Secretary-General Ban Ki- moon also condemned the killing and underscored the UN's commitment to "supporting Afghanistan and its people attaining peace and stability and to working in close co-operation with them," his spokesman said.

Asif Ali Zardari, Pakistan's president, and Yousuf Raza Gilani, the prime minister, also condemned the attack. Amrullah Saleh, a former intelligence chief who fought against the Taliban under Rabbani, told Al Jazeera the attacks showed the government's failure in protecting high-profile figures.

"These attacks tell us that the policy of appeasement and deal making with the Taliban and Pakistan is not
going to lead to peace.

"By adapting a vague policy of so called reconciliation, [the government] has created confusion in our society
and weakened the government to the extent that they can't even protect high-profiled leaders in the capital."
Rabbani's death could also unleash the resentment building up among some senior Northern Alliance members, who have criticised Karzai for his peace efforts with the Taliban.

"If Karzai wants to keep Afghanistan united, he has to launch massive investigations and bring the culprits to justice."

Q&A: Top NTC commander Abdel Hakim Belhadj from Tripoli

Abdul Hakim Belhadj, former prisoner of Gaddafi, arrested by the CIA in 2004, is now one of the most powerful men in the new Libya. 

Sitting in a lavish apartment in the wing of a 5-star Tripoli hotel once inhabited by Muammar Gaddafi's son Saif, Abdel Hakim Belhadj looked a bit out of place in his drab, beige and brown military fatigues.

These again, incongruities of this sort are becoming common for the 45-year-old revolutionary who emerged from the darkest of Gaddafi's torture chambers to become the leader of Tripoli's Military Council, and, by some accounts, the most powerful man in the new Libya.

And sharp swings of fate are hardly new for Belhadj, a war-hardened fighter who was born in Tripoli's Souq al-Jumaa district and studied engineering at al-Fateh University.

In the 1980s, he fought in Afghanistan against the Soviets and later returned to Libya to form the former Libyan Islamic Fighting Group, which fought a guerrilla war in Libya's hinterlands for three years and allegedly tried to assassinate Gaddafi three times in the mid-1990s.

To escape Gaddafi's wrath, he led a life on the run, spending time in Sudan, Syria, Pakistan, Turkey, Syria and Iran before returning to Afghanistan. According to an arrest warrant issued in 2002, Belhadj forged close ties with al-Qaeda and the Taliban. 

Escaping his base in Jalalabad whenthe US moved into Afghanistan after  September 11, 2001, he was eventually arrested with his wife by the CIA in Bangkok in 2004. He was then extradited to Libya, where he
was imprisoned and tortured in the notorious Abu Salim prison for seven years.

Released in 2010, as part of a plan championed by the same Saif al-Islam Gaddafi, Belhadj eventually became the top rebel commander in Libya and was largely credited for masterminding the fall of Tripoli on August 23.

Belhadj spoke to Al Jazeera's David Poort about torture, tragedy and what he plans to say to Muammar Gaddafi.

David Poort: What happened to you after your arrest in 2004? Belhadj: When I was arrested I was first subjected to barbaric treatment at the hands of CIA agents at Bangkok airport. The same treatment was given to my wife, who was pregnant at the time. Later, in Libya, I was subjected to many types of physical and mental torture.

[Appears uncomfortable] Let's not get into the details. DP: Colonel Ahmed Bani said there is a "human tragedy" unfolding in Bani Walid. What is your assessment? Belhadj: We have sent additional weapons and troops to Bani Walid, answering calls from our fighters at the frontline. Our commanders there said they had a shortage of equipment and weapons, so over the past days we have been trying to accommodate their requests.

We've also sent more ambulances and other aid vehicles. Hopefully, this will have a positive effect on the situation so that Bani Walid may be liberated soon. DP: What is the latest from Sirte?

Belhadj: The same goes for the situation in Sirte. People from there are witnessing a very fierce conflict and they are paying a heavy price. Casualty numbers are very high. Even so, the situation in Sirte is better than it is in Bani Walid. DP: Do you know the location of Gaddafi and his sons? Belhadj: We are receiving conflicting reports on this. But the heavy resistance from the remaining Gaddafi troops confirms to me that they are among them. We know there are still a lot of loyalist fighters active in Bani Walid. If we find Gaddafi or his family members we will treat them fairly and give them a fair trial. We will protect their human rights, because that is what this revolution is all about; that is what we have risen up for. DP: Are your troops disciplined enough not to shoot Gaddafi on sight? 

Belhadj: [Joking: I hope they do] This revolution has set high standards regarding the justice system. All accused will be subjected to the same laws, regardless of their status or the crimes they committed. I trust my troops to do the right thing, but also I trust that Gaddafi won't surrender easily. Our troops will deal with him according to military standards, as a soldier. 

However, we believe that he will not let himself be arrested. I think he would rather kill himself. DP: What would you say to Gaddafi if they catch him alive? Belhadj: I would only ask him: "Did you ever expect yourself to be in this position?" [Smiles] DP: There are still neighbourhoods in Tripoli known to be largely loyal to Gaddafi. Are you worried about this? 

Belhadj: Tripoli has been liberated and we have now moved to the second phase, which is securing all neighbourhoods of the capital. This is important because we need people to return to their normal life, to go back to work, and children to go back to school. 

DP: Western countries have voiced concern about Islamist elements within the revolutionary forces. Belhadj: Regarding the Islamist elements among the revolutionaries, I can only say that Libya is an Islamic country and that all our traditions and behaviour is built on Islam. Libyans are generally moderate Muslims, with moderate ways of practice and understandings of religion. You can find some extreme elements that are different from the ainstream, but this does not in any  ay represent the majority of the  Libyan people. I would like to remind you again that the Islamic elements in the revolution are not considered to be a danger to our country or to our neighbours. 

DP: What about your own alleged ties with al-Qaeda? Regarding what people say about ties with al-Qaeda: We have never been in a relationship with them or joined them in any kind of activity, because we could never come to an nderstanding of [philosophies]. 

Even the Western intelligence agencies have found no connection between the Libyan Islamic Fighting Group and al-Qaeda. The confusion stems from us being active at the same time and place as them. We never sympathised with them or upported their activities. We were against their ideas and actions. 

DP: What will be your role in the new Libya when the fighting is over? Belhadj: I'll be what the Libyan people will ask me to be. My future role is still to be decided upon in the oming period. I don't care whether my role will be political or military. [Joking: Maybe I could become a journalist.] At this time, we are still fighting a war for liberty that was orced upon us by the previous  government. We did not choose to wear this uniform and carry these weapons. 

Our main challenge is to build our dream, a civilised country where every civilian can get all of his civil rights. To achieve this, we need all Libyan people to participate. We do not know how long this battle will continue but I don't think this will be over by the end of this month. 

Sunday, September 11, 2011

Gaddafi defenders stall advance on Libyan town

Battle-hardened Libyan combatants joined the fight to capture a desert town from well-armed loyalists of Muammar Gaddafi on Sunday after the head of Libya's interim council warned that the ousted leader still posed a threat.
Gaddafi troops firing rockets and mortars held up local fighters trying to push into the northern outskirts of Bani Walid, which lies 150 km (95 miles) southeast of Tripoli.
Scores of uniformed soldiers and experienced fighters of the ruling Transitional National Council (NTC) reinforced their comrades who have met fierce resistance from Gaddafi forces since Friday, saying they would attack within hours.
"I've been a soldier in the Libyan army in the 1980s. I have a little bit more experience than these local boys," said one new arrival, Omar Swaid, a truck driver from Kansas.
"They are great -- very enthusiastic but they don't know how to fight. We're going help them. The Gaddafi forces, some want to surrender. I hope this is the last fight. I don't want to see any more blood," he said in a broad American accent.
NATO warplanes, which Reuters witnesses said launched at least seven strikes on Gaddafi positions on Saturday, again patrolled the skies. NATO confirmed its aircraft had flown missions over Bani Walid but would not comment on any bombing.
"NATO dropped many bombs yesterday, targeting Grad rocket launchers. It is really helping us. When we enter the city, NATO should give us more protection from the sky," said Ibrahim Bakkar, a 20-year-old fighter, outside Bani Walid.
The original plan was for local men to enter the town of 100,000 to reassure residents and to encourage Gaddafi fighters to lay down their weapons and stay indoors.
But NTC officials, who first estimated they were facing only 150 Gaddafi loyalists, now say their opponents number about 1,000 after an influx of extra men from other Gaddafi strongholds such as Sirte on the coast and Sabha in the south.
"Last night the enemy fired many Grad rockets and mortars. We were under a hail of Grads. We don't know what we're going to do now. I have to admit, they have more experience than us," said Mohammed Ibrahim, a local anti-Gaddafi fighter.
GETTING A GRIP
It is vital for the NTC to capture Gaddafi's last strongholds and find the fugitive former leader to assert its grip over the vast oil-producing North African country and begin a countdown to elections and a new constitution.
NTC chairman Mustafa Abdel Jalil, a former Gaddafi justice minister who had run the council from the eastern city of Benghazi, arrived in Tripoli on Saturday for the first time since bands of anti-Gaddafi rebels captured it on Aug. 23.
"Brotherhood and warmth -- that's what we will depend on to build our future. We are not at a time of retribution," Abdel Jalil declared. "This is the time of unity and liberation."
The NTC has said it will complete its move to Tripoli this week, although previous timelines for this have slipped.
Establishing a credible interim government in the capital would mark an important step for Libya, where regional and factional rivalries among forces united only by contempt for Gaddafi could trouble efforts to reshape the country.
The NTC is anxious to show it can restart oil production, virtually stalled since the civil war began six months ago.
Interim Oil and Finance Minister Ali Tarhouni said on Saturday oil would be pumped at some fields within days and pre-war output levels would be restored within a year.
But Abdel Jalil said Libya could not yet be declared "liberated" from the man who ruled it for 42 years.
"Gaddafi still has money and gold," he said. "These are the fundamental things that will allow him to find men."
The NTC had given Sirte, Sabha and Bani Walid until Saturday to surrender or face attack, although fighting around Sirte and Bani Walid erupted a day before the deadline.
Anti-Gaddafi fighters believe one or two of the ousted leader's sons may be holed up in Bani Walid. Some NTC officials have even suggested Gaddafi might be there.
The struggle for the town appeared far from over.
Abdulkarim el Elwani, a former Libyan army soldier who defected, now commands a unit of about 100 men who arrived at the front on Sunday, visibly better-equipped and in uniform.
"They asked us to come here because the Bani Walid rebels have failed to take the city," he said. "There's a lot of resistance. We have orders to advance in two hours."